Similar results emerged from a study of adolescents and adults in the United Kingdom (Hammond et al., 2009). A market study conducted on behalf of the tobacco industry among adult smokers also suggests that plain packaging reduces some of the appeal of smoking, as shown by the following quote: Although the planned increase in the federal tax never materialized in the late 1980s, the tax was gradually increased several times in the 1990s and early 2000s. Changes in wholesale prices by Philip Morris (as industry leaders) and other companies (which followed) appear to reflect the adoption of the strategy described by Johnston, with prices generally increasing by the amount of the tax increase, with some increases (notably the 5-cent increase in 2002) being absorbed by the industry. In general, research shows that increases in state and federal taxes result in comparable or larger increases in retail cigarette prices (USDHHS 2000). Wagner and colleagues (2011) compared functional magnetic resonance imaging reactions with smoking scenes in movies in a group of smokers and non-smokers who were naïve about the focus on smoking. The study assessed brain responses to film smoke segments and compared them to responses to segments that did not contain smoking. Smokers had greater reactions in reward circuits and also greater reactions in motor planning areas for the right hand, suggesting that smoking scenes prompted smoking planning. Lochbuehler and colleagues (2011) found that smokers preferred to watch cigarettes when watching images of smoke on screen and that smokers smoked more when they smoked movies, but only if they were not transported into history (Lochbuehler et al. 2010).
Finally, Shadel and colleagues (2010) showed high school students film clips depicting smoking in a context of rebellion, relaxation, and lack thereof, and found greater pleasure in smoking after teens watched clips in which smoking conveyed relaxation. The tobacco industry has also invested in other community-based programs for youth, such as the national 4-H (“Head, Heart, Hands and Health”) program. 4-H is the youth education division of the U.S. Department of Agriculture`s Cooperative Extension System and a respected organization that emphasizes “learning by doing” (Landman et al. 2002). In March 1999, the National 4-H Council announced a new partnership with Philip Morris after receiving a $1.7 million grant to design and implement an initiative to prevent adolescent smoking (Landman et al., 2002). Despite protests from the public health community and the refusal of 27 of the state`s 50 4-H organizations to participate, the national 4-H organization continued its partnership that led to the “Health Rocks” program (National 4-H Council 2010). This program, which includes a website, focuses on soft life skills and healthy choices. Although a longitudinal evaluation of this program in collaboration with Tufts University was discussed in a Philip Morris paper in 2001 (Philip Morris USA 2001), no report on the impact of this program was found in publicly available tobacco industry documents. Philip Morris also sponsored two programs offered by the Boys & Girls Clubs of America, “Upward Bound” and “SMART (Skills Mastery and Resistance Training) Moves” (Boys & Girls Clubs of America 2010), which had already been evaluated (U.S. Department of Education 1997; Harvard Family Research Project 2010).
The research supports Tobaco`s policy option of regulatory control over the retail environment. Studies show that smoking is associated with both exposure to retail advertising and relatively easy access to tobacco products. Because tobacco companies use strong financial incentives to influence the retail environment, voluntary strategies may prove ineffective in reducing adolescent and young adult exposure to tobacco retail marketing. However, places such as supermarkets, which derive a relatively small share of their total profits from tobacco sales, may be likely to eliminate tobacco sales from their stores. In 2008, Wegmans, a regional food chain in the United States, voluntarily stopped selling tobacco in its stores and attributed the company`s decision to the harmful health effects of smoking (Wegmans 2008). Convenience stores sell more cigarettes than any other type of store (Dipasquale, 2002). In 2006, cigarette sales generated nearly $400,000 in revenue per supermarket; These sales accounted for one-third of all sales in a supermarket (Center for Tobacco Policy & Organizing 2008). About one-third of youth shop at convenience stores two to three times a week, and 70% shop at least once a week (Chanil, 2001; Clickin Research, 2005). Convenience stores have more tobacco advertising and promotions than other types of stores, which increases the likelihood that teens will be exposed to smoking messages while shopping and can affect initiation rates among those exposed, especially if stores are located near schools (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC] 2002; Feighery et al., 2008; Henriksen et al., 2008, 2010). In fact, nearly two-thirds of teens in the U.S. report seeing tobacco ads all or most of the time when visiting convenience stores that sell or don`t sell gasoline (CDC National Youth Tobacco Survey [NYTS] Public Use Data Sets 2004; Duke et al., 2009). Johnston cited the work of Lewit and colleagues (Lewit et al.
1981; Lewit and Coate, 1982), which demonstrated the greater sensitivity to tobacco prices among adolescents and young adults by concluding that this strategy had a disproportionately negative impact on Philip Morris given the large share of young smokers of the Marlboro brand. Expecting a further increase, Johnston continued, “We don`t need this to happen again” (Johnston 1987, Bates No. 2022216179/6180, p. 1) and outlined the following strategy: Industry documents confirm that tobacco companies have tried to make their products easily visible and easily accessible to customers in order to stimulate impulse purchases (Pollay 2007). In order to reach customers, tobacco companies often involve retailers in contractual agreements (Dewhirst 2004). These contracts ensure that packaging and cartons are placed in highly visible places around the counter where consumers will notice them; In return, companies offer retailers volume discounts and other financial incentives so that their products can be offered at lower prices than their competitors. A study (Keelor et al., 2004) on the combined effect of advertising and pricing on cigarette consumption under the Framework Settlement Agreement in 1998 analyzed the effects of increased cigarette prices and relatively large changes in advertising in the years following the comparison and concluded that increased advertising and marketing expenditures, which occurred immediately before and after billing, mitigated the decline in consumption, which would otherwise be a consequence of rising prices. In other words, this analysis documented a simultaneous strengthening of cigarette consumption (2.7-4.7%) due to the increase in marketing spending and a relatively stronger downward movement in consumption driven by prices (−8.3%). The authors explain: Chapman and Freeman (2009) advocated examining the regulatory controls used for the sale of drugs with respect to their applicability to the tobacco retail environment. Such controls could include limiting the number and location of tobacco retail outlets, banning tobacco retail displays, controlling minimum prices, and non-transferable retail licences that could be revoked for non-compliance with laws. Other possibilities include banning price reduction strategies, abolishing the sale of tobacco in certain types of stores such as pharmacies, limiting periods of tobacco sales, and mandatory affixing of smoke-free signs with information about the abandonment line (Ribisl 2010).
In the 1998 Framework Settlement Agreement, large cigarette companies agreed on some restrictions on advertising and promotions aimed directly at young people, but the industry continued to market tobacco heavily through traditional advertising and promotion, with a greater emphasis on individual approaches such as direct mail and online marketing. Although young people are no longer exposed to certain forms of advertising, such as advertising. B on television or on outdoor billboards, they are always exposed to some direct marketing efforts (King and Siegel, 2001; Siegel, 2001). In addition, the industry`s marketing efforts to young adults authorized under the agreement have an indirect impact on young adults who are ambitious role models for adolescents (Kastenbaum et al., 1972; Montepare and Lachman, 1989; Zollo, 1995). Marketing efforts aimed at young adults may also have an impact on smoking rates in this population, as campaigns have been shown to promote regular smoking and increase consumption (Ling and Glantz, 2002). There is also evidence that, from 2002 to 2009, more and more young adults are starting to smoke, although this increase stabilized in 2010 (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration [SAMHSA], unpublished data, 2005-2010; see also Chapter 3, Annex 3.1, Table 3.1.31). The socio-demographic representation of smokers in films has been studied by many researchers; Studies show that smokers tend to be white, male and wealthy, and therefore not representative of smokers in society (Hazan et al., 1994; Dalton et al. . . .